Balmaceda, Margarita M. (2021),  ISBN: 9780231197496, Columbia University

This book helps to understand the power Russia has through its Energy chain. The book offers an evaluation of Russia’s value chain which helps to understand the full cycle of exporting energy and stakeholders who are benefiting from it. By analysing the export of gas, oil and coal, it shows how that energy is used as a threat and how it became a key driver for political development in modern day Russia. 

“Russia’s use of its vast energy resources for leverage against post-Soviet states such as Ukraine is widely recognized as a threat. Yet we cannot understand this danger without also understanding the opportunity that Russian energy represents. From corruption-related profits to transportation-fee income to subsidised prices, many within these states have benefited by participating in Russian energy exports. To understand Russian energy power in the region, it is necessary to look at the entire value chain—including production, processing, transportation, and marketing—and at the full spectrum of domestic and external actors involved, from Gazprom to regional oligarchs to European Union regulators.”

https://cup.columbia.edu/book/russian-energy-chains/9780231197496

Pawlak, Mikolaj, (2022)

The author of this paper focuses on the organisation of aid for Ukrainian refugees in Poland. The question that is the basis of this paper is: Why, in the case of Ukrainian refugees, is there almost unanimity in organising aid, while in the past other categories of refugees were denied aid? 

https://doi.org/10.1177/017084062210991

Chumachenko Dmytro and Chumachenko Tetyana, (2022)

This paper emphasises that the international community must ensure the supply of humanitarian aid from European countries. Russia must comply with international humanitarian law, ensure the protection of the civilian population, and refrain from unlawful attacks. The space for neutral, impartial, and independent humanitarian action must be protected so that humanitarian organisations can have access to civilians.

https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.o796

Anthony Fong and Kirsten Johnson, (2022)

This paper covers how people and organisations can contribute and help respond to the war in Ukraine. It is known that one’s well-intended actions can do harm if not coordinated with organisations experienced in disaster response. Even for licensed emergency physicians, humanitarian-aid work requires specific training to be most effective.

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s43678-022-00319-8 

Nezhyva Mariia and Mysiuk Viktoriia, (2022)

The aim of the article is to study the impact of the war in Ukraine on inflation risks and challenges for the world economy. At the same time, the paper wants to emphasise that it is expected that the war in Ukraine will have a significant impact on the economy and consumers in terms of such actions: expanding the supply chain, increasing inflationary pressures, deteriorating economic prospects. 

https://www.academia.edu/85437786/War_in_Ukraine_challenges_for_the_global_economy 

Knott, Eleanor (2022)

‘If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukraine’ is the sentiment used by Ukrainian protesters mobilising against Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Such a sentiment signifies the stakes of a war where Ukraine is a democratic nation-state fighting for its right to exist against a Russian invasion. Meanwhile, Russia is fighting for a version of Ukraine that is subservient to Russia’s idea of what Ukraine should be as a nation-state: under a Russian hegemon geopolitically, where Ukraine’s national idea and interpretation of history can be vetted and vetoed by the Russian state. While nationalism scholarship equips us to study Russia’s war against Ukraine through the lens of Russian ethnic nationalism and Ukrainian civic nationalism, the ethnic/civic dichotomy falls short of unpacking the more pernicious logics that pervade Russia’s intentions and actions towards Ukraine (demilitarisation and de-Nazification). Instead, this article explores the logics of Russia’s war and Ukraine’s resistance through the concept of existential nationalism where existential nationalism is Russia’s motivation to pursue war, whatever the costs, and Ukraine’s motivation to fight with everything it has.

https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.12878 

Layton, Peter, (2022)

“Russia’s war has stalled. There are small advances, but at high cost. Russian forces started the war with simultaneous attacks across Ukraine. They have not been able to do such advances for almost two weeks now. The Ukrainian armed forces are taking advantage of this and inflicting a grinding rate of attrition.”

https://www.academia.edu/74267567/Scenarios_for_the_war_in_Ukraine

Katarzyna Karakiewicz-Krawczyk, et. all. (2022)

“The aim of the research was to collect Poles’ opinions about the need to provide humanitarian aid to Ukrainians from the territories of the Russian–Ukrainian war. Capturing feelings of Poles towards Ukrainians during the war is an interesting issue that shows subjective opinions about the existential situation perceived in the space of mutual personal interactions. The results showing opinions on help were collected from a group of 1012 people throughout Poland with the help of an authorial questionnaire. The obtained data shows a positive attitude of Poles to Ukrainians.”

https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192013369

Antezza, A. et. all. (2023)

“This paper presents the “Ukraine Support Tracker”, which lists and quantifies military, financial and humanitarian aid to Ukraine in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war. This sixth version covers government commitments made between January 24 and August 3, 2022 and has a new detailed overview on weapon deliveries. We track support by 40 governments, including all G7 and European Union member countries, plus by EU institutions (thus including 41 donors). Private donations and aid through non-governmental organisations are not included due to a lack of systematic data, but we do show estimates on government costs of hosting Ukrainian refugees. To value in-kind support like military equipment or foodstuff, we rely on government statements as well as our own calculations using market prices. We find significant differences in the scale of support across countries, both in absolute terms and as percent of donor country GDP. In billions of Euros, by far the largest bilateral supporter of Ukraine is the United States, followed by the EU institutions and the United Kingdom. In percent of donor GDP, Eastern European countries stand out as particularly generous, and this is even more so once we account for refugee costs. In the past months (June and July), new commitments have fallen notably, thus further widening the gap between what Ukraine demands and the foreign aid it receives.”

https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/262746/1/KWP2218v5.pdf

Radomyski, Adam (2021)

“The paper presents the results of research, whose main goal is to evaluate the aviation and rocket capability of the armed forces of the Russian Federation and Ukraine in terms of a possible launch of regular warfare. The authors primarily focus on changes in the military doctrine of the Russian Federation, which have created legal determinants of the use of armed forces outside the country’s territory in defence of national minorities, illustrated by taking control of Crimea. The authors also stress Russia’s military plans, including the development directions of the potential of armed forces as well as a possible threat to the security of the eastern NATO’s flank in the event of a conflict in Ukraine. In this respect, the capabilities of the air defence of countries on the eastern NATO flank, particularly Poland’s capability, were analysed.”

https://doi.org/10.12775/HiP.2021.035